The checkpoint is unexpected. It is set up fifty meters away from the crossroads of Stalin street and Moscow street in Tskhinvali, the South-Ossetian « capital ». Run by South-Ossetian militaries and Russian peacekeeping forces, this first roadblock screens the car and pedestrian fluxes. And for a very good reason, here starts the village of Tamarashini, comprising mainly Georgian people. As a matter of fact, and even the Georgians admit it, the Ossetian and Georgia ethnic groups have been acquainted for tens of years by unions and friendships.

A second checkpoint, this time Georgian, marks the entry into the Georgian enclave inside the unrecognized South-Ossetian republic. A Georgian flag depicting the red Saint-George’s cross is standing close to the police station of Kurta, as a snook cocked at Tskhinvali.

« 400 families live here », explains Gia, a 22 years old Georgian. Student at the University of Gori, he came back to spend the New Year and Christmas holidays with his family in Kurta. « Yesterday, a convoy came to distribute flour, sugar and oil to the Georgian families. The governor Mikhail Kareli regularly arranges distributions of essential commodities », he goes on.

The Georgian Prime Minister, Zurab Zhvania, also took part in the convoy, describing those populations as « true heroes ». Thus, the humanitarian convoy, escorted by the governor of the Shida Kartli region and journalists of Rustavi 2, may be easily interpeted as a political affair. Alike the support given by the Kremlin to the South-Ossetian populations.

Georgian villages

Tamarashini, Otshabeti, Kurta, then Kekhvi : the four villages comprising mainly Georgians follow each other on the road connecting the Southern part of South Ossetia to the Roki pass. In Otshabeti, a Georgian military station overhangs the village. During this holiday time, the streets are quiet. Here, people kill the pig in celebration of New Year’s eve. There, a group of men playing nardi. Further away, a gas station brings back life to the village. There are just a few babushkas who sell goods in their makeshift kiosks.

On thinking it over, the economic activity of the Georgian-majority villages is almost null. At the image of the South-Ossetian country and the rest of the Georgian territory. Then why is there humanitarian aid for the Georgian populations of this region ? Because of the low standards of living and an incredibly high unemployment rate ? Doubtlessly. But is it really something specific to those villages located in this territory claimed by South Ossetia ? Unfortunately, no. The South-Ossetian population also gets flour and sugar bags issued by Moscow. The last delivery was in October 2004, 25 kg for every Ossetian, at the image of the poverty of the region which affects no matter the nationality, Georgians and South-Ossetians.

The inhabitants, from Tamarashini to Kekhvi, live off the land. South-Ossetians acknowledge them the quality of the grown products, from apples to vegetables. « Tensions between South-Ossetians and Georgians ? This is a political affair. Not an affair of Public Opinion », says Gia, the Georgian student. His friend, Nodar, reminds that his Georgian compatriots, apple growers, sell their produce in Russia : « The loads are transported by Kamaz trucks, and sold on the markets of Vladik {Vladikavkaz}, Nalchik or elsewhere ». The political space is compartmented. The trades’ one is definitely not.

As for the transportation between those villages and Georgia, most of the time there are no troubles. Most of the time, since it may happen that militaries block the vehicles. But the checkpoints are basically crossed easily. Marchoutkis connect every day Kekhvi to Tbilisi. And even if the Georgian population of Tamarashini, Otshabeti, Kurta and Kekhvi receives pensions issued by Tbilisi, it gets its electricity from Russia.

Leaving the last Georgian village, Kekhvi, a few Georgians sell along the road apples, tangerines, chuchkella, and other natural products. Under the watchful eye of the policemen of the Georgian checkpoint, the South-Ossetian and Russian customers buy consumer goods for themselves or to resell it on the Caucasian market of the Russian Federation. But sellers do not want to say anything more. The police is standing too closely, so as not to enable them to express freely.

« From now on, we are back on the South-Ossetian territory», points out the cabdriver. Some kilometers away, a half-constructed bridge is waiting for its construction to be completed. And yet this work will most probably never be finished. It is standing on the «Transcaucasian» road which was to connect South-Caucasus with North-Caucasus, but of which the construction was suspended by the frozen conflict between Tbilisi and Tskhinvali.

Java Territory

Back on the road to the Roki Pass. Still no sign of Ossetian military stations or of any place that may possibly accommodate and conceal some convoys. A little further northward, stands the village of Byfta. As in the whole territory in the bosom of South-Ossetia, the Ossetian retiree receive a pension issued by Russia, 1,000 to 1,600 roubles monthly. In order to get the money they have to go to Vladikavkaz. As for the electricity, it is also Russian, directly conveyed through the network connecting South-Ossetia to North-Ossetia.

The road to Java is winding, but it was renovated in summer 2004 by three crews of Russian road workers. Moscow’s hand puts its mark up to the asphalt. Even if the Ossetian population may get the Russian citizenship on simple request, the opinions are yet mixed. « I have a Russian passport. But my friends are here, in Tskhinvali. What’s the point of moving to Russia ?», says Kasbi, an Ossetian worker.

Java is the second biggest city of South Ossetia -a territory covering 3,900 sq km, and overall, it is due to the city’s location: on the road toward North-Ossetia. The economical and emotional relationships between Vladikavkaz and Tskhinvali are real and have become vital for South-Ossetia’s survival. The example is insignificant, but still revealing. Ludvig Chibirov, the former South-Ossetian leader replaced since December 2001 by Edouard Kokoity, is now living in Vladikavkaz.

It is probably for the economic trades between the two Ossetias and Moscow’s support that the region was saved from its economic strangulation. Indeed the economy of the region was severely threatened after Ergneti black market was officially closed down in June 2004 on Saakashvili’s order. This decision was a follow-up to the Parlementarian elections held in South-Ossetia with mounting tensions between Tbilisi and Tskhinvali, and also the recent case of Ajaria’s return to Georgian control.

Roki

The entrance to the Roki Pass opens up to a cirque made up of the snowy Caucasian mountains at the border between North and South Ossetia. 3.8 km long and located at an altitude of 2,995 meters, the pass connects North-Caucasus to South-Caucasus, offering the best connection between the two Ossetias.
Strategical place, the Roki Pass is also an umbilical cord between Russia and South-Ossetia. Faithful ally in the South-Caucasian territory and bordering the feared by Moscow North-Caucasus, Tskhinvali is a valuable zone of influence for a Russia concerned about maintaining its control over the region.

Until summer 2004, the Roki Pass was a transit point for smuggling channels from and to Ergneti market. In a report submitted at the end of November 2004, the International Crisis Group mentionned that «the frozen conflict had enabled the development of illegal trades – smuggling, drug traffics, abductions and arms trade.[…] Given the status of South-Ossetia, Georgia and South-Ossetia did not manage to agree about the implementation of a customs control over the transport of goods. South-Ossetians refused the setting-up of a Georgian customs station on their territory, especially close to the Roki pass […] ».

Now, all the products sold at Ergneti market, notably the profitable flour trade which was up to 130 millions dollars a year for a volume of about 450,000 tons, was transiting by the Roki Pass. Without mentionning, the dairy products, cigarettes and gas of which the trafic was adding up to 155 millions dollars a year. A subsequent loss of revenue for Tbilisi over those customs fees that it was not getting.

Today the situation has officially changed. Rumour has it that the cars stolen in South-Ossetia and Georgia are still transiting by the Roki pass in order to reach directly the North-Ossetian market. In this year’s end period, the traffic is at its minimum. But, the marchutkis and the puctoï carrying back to Russia the products bought on Ergneti market –tangerines and other fresh products – are still taking this road.

Private cars registered in Georgia, South-Ossetia, or North-Ossetia sometimes pass trucks carying huge empty tanks that most probably will be on their way back loaded with tanks full of gas a few days later. Indeed, even if Ergneti market was officially closed down, the smuggling has probably never really stopped, but the quantities significantly went down. There is also another new element: since December 2004, the Georgians have regained the right to sell their products on Ergneti road.

The Roki Pass is at the heart of the argument. On November 5th 2004, in Sochi, Eduard Kokoity and Zurab Zhvania agreed to implement a demilitarization process of the conflict zone. The deadline was set-up on November 20th; it has long been missed. And yet, this agreement gave hope of a resolution of this conflict.

As for the Georgian side, they ask for the respect of the cease-fire, a complete demilitarization and to increase the monitoring of the Roki Pass. A strategical place where Tbilisi wants more transparency, and a control that could be exercised by the Joint Control Commission (JCC), Russian and Georgians customers, as well as OSCE observers. The Georgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Salome Zurabishvili, demanded in summer 2004 to expand the OSCE’s mission in South-Ossetia – by the number of observers and also geographically notably so as to cover the Roki Pass. The objective put forward ? To Control the smuggling and arms trade, and to put an end to the alleged activities of militia in Java’s region.
On the Ossetian side, they want to shut down the sixteen illicit Georgian checkpoints and the withdrawal of the 2,000 to 3,000 additional soldiers and policemen who were deployed this summer in the conflict zone.

Tbilisi is also accusing Moscow of taking an active part in the conflict. More specifically to supply arms and men to South-Ossetia. The Georgian government holds Russia responsible for the alleged transit of military equipments and mercenaries – some of them cossacks – by the Roki Pass.

The question is still a sensitive one. Another road connects Tskhinvali to Vladikavkaz. It goes through the village of Kvaïsi, then by Mamisonskii col, at an altitude of 2,819 meters. In theory inaccessible during the winter, it would also be used for the transit all kinds of traffics. A Georgian reseller of gas in Ergneti, even accuses South-Ossetian and Georgian politicians to be profitting from the official close down of the black-market. Names are given, some of them seem uncertain. And still, there is a possibility that various traffics transit on secondary roads such as this one.

Back to the Roki Pass. The entry of the tunnel is under the control of a South-Ossetian customs and immigration station. But the acitivity on this day is rare. In the two parts of the village of Roki, the winter seems to have done its job, bringing back all the inhabitants inside the seldom habitations.
Some kilometers before the tunnel, a jump in activity awakens the road : gaseous spring waters spring attracts people passing by. There the Bakhiata waters gush out of the ground. This spring water is bottled in the neighboring factory which employs around fifty people from the area. Here, nobody is interested by the question of possible traffics. Interviewed about it, South-Ossetians and Georgians answer that they prefer to turn a blind eye to it, and keep silent.